While Sunni leaders keep meeting to decide who should become the next Speaker of Parliament, and Shiite groups inside the coordination framework are actively negotiating over the next government, one position remains stuck and unclear: the presidency of the republic.
Right now, this file looks like the weakest link in Iraq’s political talks. Kurdish parties, who are supposed to settle this position, are moving slowly and without a clear plan. Many observers describe their performance as hesitant and unsure. Inside the Kurdish camp itself, there is deep division over who the candidate should be, how the choice should be made, and where things are really headed.
Sources close to the talks say that the two main Kurdish parties — the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan — have not yet entered serious, open negotiations about the presidency. This is very different from what is happening with the prime minister and parliament speaker positions, where talks are already advanced. This delay has opened the door to confusion, delays, and competing scenarios.
At one point, Bafel Talabani, leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, tried to push things forward by quietly putting his own name on the table. Many saw this move as an attempt to force a decision or at least shake up the stalled talks.
However, sources say this move did not gain real traction. Asaib Ahl al-Haq leader Qais al-Khazali was quoted as saying that Bafel Talabani has “all the qualifications” to be president, but added that “he does not speak Arabic.” Political insiders understood this comment as a polite but clear signal that Bafel’s nomination would not be accepted, despite friendly relations between the two sides.
Inside the Patriotic Union itself, doubts also surfaced. Several senior and historic party figures were not convinced that Bafel was the right choice, whether due to his political experience or concerns about internal and external balance.
Under growing pressure, and after advice from close allies, Bafel Talabani stepped back from presenting himself as a candidate. The party then began searching for a more widely acceptable option. This brought forward the name Nizar Amidi, a longtime figure close to the late President Jalal Talabani, who had served as his secretary for years. Amidi is seen as calm, non-confrontational, and politically experienced.
But this option did not last long. The Kurdistan Democratic Party quickly rejected Amidi’s name, citing old political disagreements and its own vision of what the presidency should look like in the next phase.
At the same time, the Democratic Party began floating other names, including Mala Bakhtiar, a senior figure within the Patriotic Union who is known for his tense relationship with the Talabani family. Sources believe this was not a serious attempt to support him, but rather a tactical move to deepen divisions inside the Patriotic Union and weaken its position at the negotiating table.
According to insiders, the Democratic Party’s strategy is to block the main candidates, introduce controversial alternatives, and then later push for a so-called “compromise candidate” — someone acceptable to both Kurdish sides and also to powerful Shiite forces in Baghdad.
Some sources say this compromise figure could come from Sulaymaniyah, in an effort to balance influence between Kurdish factions if talks over the major names completely collapse.
For now, one thing is clear: the Kurdish parties remain divided and without a unified plan for the presidency. This division gives other political forces in Baghdad more room to interfere and shape the outcome — at a time when the presidency was supposed to be settled by the Kurds themselves, before anything else.
